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FAMILY FEUD: Ajit Jogi and Digvijay Singh, both new-age Congress leaders are fighting over even chairs and tablesDigvija

FAMILY FEUD: Ajit Jogi and Digvijay Singh, both new-age Congress leaders are fighting over even chairs and tables
Digvijay Singh and Ajit Jogi are close contemporaries, both being in their early 50s. Both are mechanical engineers, having passed in the same year with flying colours from their respective institutions. Both are aces of the Congress, representing the 115-year-old party's upwardly mobile succession generation.

Besides, they have many common enemies in the Congress, spread out in the two adjacent states they rule, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. Like the Shukla brothers (Shyama Charan and Vidya Charan), Kamal Nath and Motilal Vora. Both regard Arjun Singh, the ageing Machiavelli, with distrust, if not awe.

However, politics being no respecter of natural alliances, the relations between the newly-formed Chhattisgarh state and its parent, Madhya Pradesh, have currently acquired some of the inherent properties of Indo-Pakistan ties.

Within weeks of Chhattisgarh's foundation on November 1, effigies of Digvijay Singh were burnt at various places in the state, with angry protests against a long list of instances of the Madhya Pradesh chief minister's "interference". There was a bandh call given by the Chhattisgarh state Congress against interference from the Congress-ruled state in the neighbourhood.

It is energy sharing between the two states which tops the list of disputed issues. Chhattisgarh is a power-surplus state, the normal generating capacity of the power plants located in the state being 150 MW to 200 MW in excess of its peak demand. It generates 35.66 per cent of the undivided state's power but consumes only 23.86 per cent.

Madhya Pradesh, on the other hand, reels under power cuts for long hours every day, the peak-hour shortfall being around 1,600 MW in the undivided state. Fearing that separation of the State Electricity Board right away would have disastrous consequences for Madhya Pradesh, a clause was added to the Madhya Pradesh (Reorganisation) Act, passed by Parliament, providing for continuance of MPSEB for at least one year.

Digvijay Singh
However, within a fortnight of assuming chief ministership, one of Jogi's first moves was to constitute the Chhattisgarh Electricity Board (CEB). A few days earlier, he had summoned the MPSEB chairman to Chhattisgarh's capital Raipur, ordering him to stop loadshedding in the new state.

When the MPSEB chairman refused to carry it out, quoting from the law that enabled Chhattisgarh's separation, a furious Jogi ordered the immediate formation of CEB even though the new board could have little control on either generation or distribution for a year. Still fuming, Jogi issued a summary order stopping transfer of power revenues collected in his state to Bhopal.

The Digvijay Singh administration retaliated by suspending the MPSEB officer who had carried out Jogi's order, but Singh, true to his princely lineage, ordered MPSEB's revenues to be deposited to the account of Chhattisgarh Government at the Raipur branch of the State Bank of India.

However, a public-interest petition was promptly filed against the order before the Indore bench of the Madhya Pradesh High Court, which upheld the petition and directed that the revenues should continue to flow into the MPSEB account. The matter finally went to the Supreme Court which set the order aside questioning the petitioner's locus standi.

Singh plays down the incident, saying that "Jogi is always interested in MPSEB". However, Singh's counterpart in Raipur is restless to extract the maximum advantage from his state's power surplus status. "We make power at Rs 1.40 a unit, which we can sell to Madhya Pradesh, or anyone, at a premium. In the separation of our state, we've got a raw deal in every way. Why should we let go of our natural advantage?" Jogi says.

While Singh is careful not to precipitate a showdown, the bureaucracy under him has its answers ready. Says Madhya Pradesh Chief Secretary K.S. Sharma, "For its area and population, Chhattisgarh is currently power surplus. But it would not have been so if the power plants had not been installed in Korba and other places (in Chhattisgarh) by the previous regime."

The Act by which Chhattisgarh was created has a provision for referring unsolved disputes between the two states to the Centre. However, nothing can be more embarrassing for the Congress than a reference of the disputes between its own chief ministers to the BJP-dominated NDA Government at the Centre. Yet it happened when Singh met Union Power Minister Suresh Prabhu last month, requesting him to virtually play the referee in the power dispute.

But the fight is quite beyond Prabhu's reach, extending to most aspects of asset sharing. At the newly built secretariat in Raipur, tempers are frayed at the sight of creaky chairs, worn-out furniture and outdated computers that have come from Bhopal. Jogi's Government is unable to buy anything, being strapped of cash as most Madhya Pradesh departments have not sent Chhattisgarh its share of the finances allocated.

The division of bureaucrats has been even more one-sided. "Diggi (Singh's pet name) has kept the best people with him," says Jogi. Of the 102 IAS officers in the Madhya Pradesh cadre, only 15 have agreed to be transferred to Chhattisgarh. They're arguably not some of the best. Of the 278 IPS officers belonging to the undivided cadre, only 17 have opted for the new state.

Jogi and Singh were long-time rivals in Madhya Pradesh politics, but now Jogi has got an opportunity to question Singh's much-applauded skill at governance. In November, Singh announced, as a part of a reform package, the termination of services of over 30,000 casual workers employed by the state Government on daily wage.

From across the state-boundary, Jogi promptly offered to take back his state's share of the sacked - a little over 4,000. In Bhopal, Singh announced a plan by which the facility of free power supply to the poor SC/ST families could be cut down from 10 lakh connections to 50,000. In Raipur, Jogi announced there would be no reduction in such connections. "I shall not reverse any of the anti-poor programmes in my state. Instead there will be an increase in these."

There is obviously an element of personal rivalry between Singh and Jogi in the inter-state conflict - Singh allegedly having had a hand in a past campaign questioning Jogi's claim of being a tribal - there is no doubt a lot of pent-up grouse in Chhattisgarh against discrimination from a succession of Madhya Pradesh leaders, including Singh.

"The paradox of this state," says Jogi, "is that it is the richest in India in natural resources but its people are the poorest." And, in the state's new sub-national psyche, Madhya Pradesh is the villain next door.

Raipur Charges

  • Chhattisgarh is power surplus, but it's parent is making it a deficit state.
  • Madhya Pradesh has denied Chhattisgarh its due share of employees and funds.
  • The new state has been neglected by a succession of leaders in Bhopal, including Digvijay Singh.

"Why should we let go of our natural advantage?"

Bhopal Replies

  • The power plants were installed by the previous regime with resources from the entire undivided state.
  • Good officers don't want to go to the backward state, so it's not Bhopal's fault.
  • The regional imbalance issue has been addressed with Bhopal agreeing to separation.

"Jogi is always interested in MPSEB."

Jogi's officials are prompt at trotting out examples: in Chhindwara, Kamal Nath's constituency, 3,188 pump-sets were energised last year whereas the share of Chhattisgarh's nine districts (16 now) was 1,975; the allocation for welfare in the region has always been unfair; only 15 per cent of area under crop is irrigated in the new state, but that figure was 25 per cent in the undivided state and it will naturally be more now.

As soon as Jogi came to power, he ordered introduction of English from Class 1, saying that poor knowledge of the language was one of the main reasons for the region's backwardness. If you ask his officials why it did not occur to the present and past Madhya Pradesh chief ministers, you're likely to hear - "they wanted to keep Chhattisgarh backward".

Jogi and Singh are high-profile Congress leaders of the post-Indira Gandhi generation, but their family backgrounds are oddly dissimilar. Singh is a scion of the Raghogarh princely family whereas Jogi was born in a remote hamlet near Bilaspur, his tribal mother having supported the children with the meagre income from tendu leaves collected from the forest.

Jogi harps on his origin in every speech that he delivers in his almost daily tours across the state, in fluent Chhattisgarhi, with many iterations of a new-born sub-nationalism in phrases like hamaar bhuiyan, hamaar mati (my land, my soil).

There is an additional reason why Jogi needs to play on emotion. He has only three years to go before he faces his first election, the Assembly of the undivided Madhya Pradesh being due to complete its term in 2003.

With only three Congress MPs from the state's 11 Lok Sabha constituencies, that's an uphill task. The man in Bhopal is in his second term and under no pressure to prove himself again. But Jogi has just joined the race.

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